HJR 1014 / SJR 12 WILL UNCONSTITUTIONALLY “RATIFY” 1972
FEDERAL E.R.A., WHICH CONTAINS LANGUAGE ALREADY USED AS PRO-ABORTION
LEGAL WEAPON
February 26, 2009
SUMMARY
HJR 1014/ SJR 12 purports to ratify the Equal Rights
Amendment that was proposed by Congress to the states in
1972. Arkansas Right to Life and National Right to Life
oppose HJR 1014/ SJR 12 for two reasons: (1) The language
of the proposed 1972 ERA is virtually identical to language
that the major pro-abortion groups have used in other states
(including New Mexico) for highly successful legal attacks
on laws protecting unborn children and limiting tax funding
of abortion. (2) HJR 1014 / SJR 12 is part of an effort
to evade the amendment process spelled out in the Constitution
itself. When Congress proposed this language to the states
in 1972, it included a deadline –- a deadline that
expired decades ago. In 1982 the U.S. Supreme Court explicitly
declared that all legal issues surrounding the 1972 ERA
resolution (including the validity of rescissions passed
by five ratifying state legislatures prior to the deadline)
were “moot” because this ERA was already dead.
Congress could propose a new ERA – but if so, Arkansas
Right to Life and National Right to Life will urge Congress
to include an “abortion-neutral” clause in
the text before sending the new resolution to the states
for consideration.
WHY HJR 1014 / SJR 12 EVADES CONSTITUTIONAL REQUIREMENTS
The original 1972 federal ERA resolution contained a
seven-year deadline for ratification, which expired in
1979 with only 35 state legislatures having ever acted
to ratify (of which five rescinded their ratifications
prior to the deadline). In a highly controversial move,
Congress then passed (by majority vote) a resolution that
purported to extend the deadline into 1982, but when this
disputed second “deadline” arrived, no new
states had ratified. Subsequently, a federal district court
ruled that the deadline extension was unconstitutional
and that the five rescissions were valid. When that ruling
was appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, the Acting Solicitor
General of the U.S. wrote a memorandum explaining that
the ERA was dead any way you cut it -- under either deadline,
and whether or not the rescissions were valid -- and in
1982 the Supreme Court agreed, dismissing the case on mootness
grounds. (See documents posted at http://www.nrlc.org/Federal/era/Index.html)
In 1983 the leadership of the U.S. House of Representatives
(then Democratic) also recognized that the 1972 ERA was
dead by proposing that the same ERA language be sent out
to the states again – but the House voted down this
ERA because sponsors would not allow consideration of the
abortion-neutral amendment and a women-in-combat amendment.
Fourteen co-sponsors voted “no.” ( Nov. 15,
1983)
In short, HJR 1014 / SJR 12 is an unconstitutional “resurrection
resolution” -- part of an effort to evade the requirements
for amending the U.S. Constitution that are spelled out
in the Constitution itself. Such resolutions have been
proposed in multiple states over the past 14 years, but
no state has adopted one. (See “Night of the Living
Dead Amendment,” by George F. Will, at http://www.nrlc.org/Federal/era/GeorgeWillERALivingDead.pdf)
THE ERA-ABORTION CONNECTION
Leading pro-abortion groups – including NARAL,
the ACLU, and Planned Parenthood -- have strongly urged
state courts to construe state ERAs that contain language
virtually identical to that of HJR 1014 / SJR 12 to invalidate
laws that treat abortion differently from other “medical
procedures,” including laws restricting tax-funding
of abortion and laws requiring parental notification or
consent for minors’ abortions.
Consider, for example, the case of New Mexico, which
in 1973 adopted a state ERA (“Equality of rights
under law shall not be denied on account of the sex of
any person”) virtually identical to the proposal
that HJR 1014 / SJR 12 purports to ratify. This ERA was
subsequently used to attack the state policy against tax-funding
of abortion. In 1998, every justice on the New Mexico Supreme
Court agreed that the state ERA makes it unconstitutional
for the state Medicaid program to refuse to fund “medically
necessary” abortions (which merely means, abortions
performed by licensed medical professionals) if procedures
sought by men (e.g., prostate surgery) are funded. NM
Right to Choose / NARAL v. Johnson, No. 1999-NMSC-005 – you
can read or download the ruling here: http://www.nrlc.org/Federal/era/Index.html
(Moreover, similar arguments regarding tax-funding of
abortion have been accepted by some courts in other states,
including Connecticut.)
The New Mexico Supreme Court based its ruling solely on
the state ERA, and the justices merely adopted the construction
of the ERA urged upon it by Planned Parenthood, NARAL,
the ACLU, the Center for Reproductive Law and Policy, and
the NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund. The doctrine
that the ERA language invalidates limitations on tax-funded
abortion was also supported in briefs filed by the state
Women's Bar Association, Public Health Association, and
League of Women Voters.
Writing for the unanimous court, Justice Pamela Minzner
wrote, “there is no comparable restriction on medically
necessary services relating to physical characteristics
or conditions that are unique to men. Indeed, we can find
no provision in the Department’s regulations that
disfavor any comparable, medically necessary procedure
unique to the male anatomy . . .. [the restriction on funding
abortions] undoubtedly singles out for less favorable treatment
a gender-linked condition that is unique to women.”
This same analysis – that limits on abortion are
by definition a form of sex discrimination and therefore
impermissible under ERA – can be used to invalidate
any federal or state restrictions even on partial-birth
abortions or third-trimester abortions (since these are
sought “only by women”); the federal and state “conscience
laws,” which allow government-supported medical facilities
and personnel -- including religiously affiliated hospitals
-- to refuse to participate in abortions; and parental
notification and consent laws. Indeed, the ACLU “Reproductive
Freedom Project” has published a booklet that encourages
pro-abortion lawyers to use state ERAs as legal weapons
against state parental notification and consent laws.
When questioned about the New Mexico ruling and other
such rulings, some ERA proponents reply that the U.S. Supreme
Court has previously reviewed abortion-related restrictions
under a “privacy right” analysis, and ruled
(5-4, in 1980) that this “privacy right” does
not invalidate a law (the Hyde Amendment) restricting federal
Medicaid funding of abortion. They go on to assert that
the proposed federal ERA would not “change” these
past “privacy” rulings. But this argument is
transparently evasive, wholly begging the question. Obviously,
past U.S. Supreme Court rulings on abortion issues have
dealt only with the current U.S. Constitution – without the
ERA’s absolute prohibition on abridgement of “rights” on
the basis of “sex.” Whatever one thinks of
the Supreme Court’s “privacy” doctrine,
that doctrine is irrelevant to the question of
what legal impact the ERA itself – as a new constitutional
provision -- would have on future cases involving
abortion-related laws.
For additional documentation on the ERA-abortion connection,
see the NRLC website at www.nrlc.org/Federal/ERA/Index.html.
For further information, contact Douglas Johnson,
legislative director, National Right to Life,
(202) 626-8820 or Legfederal@aol.com,
or Rose Mimms, executive director, Arkansas Right
to Life, (501) 663-4237 or artl@artl.org.
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